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Palin officially endorses desperate, clingy Orrin Hatch; time to rally around Dan Liljenquist

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By Michelle Malkin  •  May 22, 2012 11:32 PM

Many of my friends and readers are e-mailing me furiously tonight and the common sentiment is this:

“I don’t get it.”

“It” is this:

Sarah Palin just officially threw her hat in the Utah ring on the Greta Van Susteren show and endorsed six-term Beltway barnacle Orrin Hatch over fresh-faced challenger/Tea Party-backed/acclaimed state legislator Dan Liljenquist.

This is no surprise to those of you who have paid attention to my blog and my coverage of the Utah race.

Instead of staying out of the race, Palin has proactively sided with the ridiculous Beltway barnacle Orrin Hatch, who now poses as a Tea Party godfather while launching bitter diatribes against the fiscal conservative members of Freedomworks.

Palin has lent her invaluable support to many upstart candidates seeking to disrupt the old GOP boys’ network. I have the utmost respect for her. But on this inexplicable Hatch endorsement, we’ll just have to agree to disagree.

And Utah conservatives sick and tired of the same old, same old will just have to work harder.

They knew it would be an uphill battle. Sen. Hatch has locked up just about every major GOP big name, bullied opponents, and arrogantly informed a Utah TV station that he wouldn’t rule out an 8th term in 2018!

Hatch attacked FW’s 15,000 grassroots activists, who oppose his re-election, and said he “despised” them — so much so that he threatened to “punch them in the mouth.”

Hatch has lied shamelessly about Liljenquist’s pension reform record, ducked debates, and relied on crapweasel surrogates like Arlen Specter.

I’ll repeat what I said last August:

Orrin Hatch is the antithesis of the Tea Party spirit. He is a mascot for big-spending Beltway entrenched incumbency who has consistently joined hands with destructive Democrats.

He slobbered over corruptocrat Democratic Sen. Chris Dodd.

He co-sponsored the $6 billion national service boondoggle and dedicated it to his good friend Teddy Kennedy, with whom he also joined hands to create the ever-expanding SCHIP entitlement.

He supported tax cheat Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner from day one, lavished praise on Joe Biden’s balls, and embraced and defended Attorney General Eric Holder’s nomination because, he said, “I like Barack Obama and I want to help him if I can.”

He was an original sponsor of the open-borders DREAM Act illegal alien student bailout and voted for the massive TARP bailout.

I’ll repeat what I said in February when I endorsed Ted Cruz, Richard Mourdock, and Dan Liljenquist:

Liljenquist excelled in the private sector as a global management consultant and business strategist; he also helmed a privately owned call center company that grew from two to 1,500 employees since its 1995 founding. Liljenquist was elected to the Utah Senate in 2008, where he spearheaded state pension and Medicaid reforms that earned him the non-partisan Governing magazine’s 2011 “Public Official of the Year” award.

The 36-year, six-term Hatch was first elected in 1976 on an anti-entrenched incumbent platform. Hatch’s campaign line then against his opponent Frank Moss: “What do you call a Senator who’s served in office for 18 years? You call him home.” Now, Hatch is clinging to power after almost four decades in government — and vainly attempting to claim the tea party mantle to stave off Liljenquist’s David vs. Goliath primary challenge.

…The GOP needs just four seats to take control of the Senate. With inspired and inspiring free-market candidates like Dan Liljenquist, Richard Mourdock and Ted Cruz, 2012 bodes well for the tea party footprint on Capitol Hill. Remember: Entrenched incumbency is the disease. Fresh blood is the cure.

Support Dan Liljenquist.

What’s good for Indiana, Texas, and Nebraska is good for Utah: Out with the old. In with the next generation of fiscally conservative GOP leaders. 36 years is enough.

***

Let me address directly the idea — again — that “Mr. Balanced Budget” would be a great role model for Tea Party conservatives in the Senate because of his past support for a balanced budget amendment.

I repeat: The seeds of the Tea Party protest movement sprouted in February 2009 as grass-roots citizens outside the Beltway gathered to protest the massive Obama porkulus, generational theft, and the White House push for massive expansions of the government mortgage entitlement. On Feb. 19, CNBC’s Rick Santelli issued his now-famous “Tea Party” call — prompted, many people forget, by Obama’s mortgage entitlement expansion plans (proposals we’ve protested whether from Democrats or moron Republicans). Let me remind you that John McCain supported a behemoth $300 million mortgage entitlement expansion that dwarfed Obama’s — and it was the failure to provide a clear contrast to the Democrats’ Santa Claus politics that helped doom McCain and the 2008 GOP presidential bid.

Foremost on the agenda of grass-roots Tea Party activists was the need to stop new bipartisan bailouts and block Obama’s new spending programs. Investor’s Business Daily’s David Hogberg and Patrik Jonnson at the Christian Science Monitor were the first national media reporters to provide a fair and balanced look at protesters mad at both parties for bailout-a-palooza in late February:

To be sure, the federal spending package includes tax cuts for most Americans, and Obama has promised to eventually halve a US deficit the Democrats have largely blamed on the Bush administration.

But protesters like Kevin Tanner of South Dakota said deficit spending by both parties has unnerved Americans. “The Republicans have their own problems because we elected them and they didn’t do what we wanted,” says Mr. Tanner.

Many protesters expressed a sense that basic American freedoms of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness are threatened by new Washington policies seen by many as more socialistic than capitalistic. The proposed taxpayer bailout of homeowners who may have inflated their earnings in order to secure mortgages is one example, says Jeff Crawford, a protester from Dacula, Ga.

“The first year after the Mayflower arrived, the colonists tried a communal method of storing and sharing food and it failed miserably,” says Mr. Crawford. “Why are things any different now?”

Eighteenth-century symbolism was rife at the Atlanta event as speakers drew comparisons with the Boston patriots who dumped the King’s tea in Boston Harbor to protest taxation without representation, an act that began the American Revolution and the founding of the United States.

Some kids at the Atlanta protest wore tri-cornered hats, and one held a sign that said, “When I grow up I want to be free.”

In Tampa, two dozen protesters held handwritten signs with slogans like “Keep Your Bailout; I’ll Keep My Freedom.” About 300 people showed up in 25-degree weather in Wichita, Kansas, and someone brought a pig.

In St. Louis, local media expected about 50 people to show up while actual turnout surged to over 1,000 people.

After the nationwide Tax Day Tea Party protests in April 2009, the next wave of protests in the summer of 2009 focused on Obamacare and costly federal health care spending, regulations, and mandates.

The balanced budget amendment — while important to many founding Tea Party activists and candidates — was simply not what drove so many thousands of first-time fiscal activists onto the streets and into town halls and polling booths. It was disgust with the very kind of big-spending bipartisanship which Orrin Hatch embodies.

Remember in November.

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